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( This essay is a response to Benhabib. ) EDUCATION, DISCOURSE, ANDTHE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITY 1In roll to see some of the strengths and weakness of individuation politics as an approach to thinking about education, we need to make a distinction that is implicit, but not explicit, in Seyla Benhabibs essay. For there are at least two distinct conceptions of identity politics at work in her discussion, and criticisms appropriate to superstar may not apply to the other. The first perspective considers identity a rather static quality of persons, and views the process of identity formation in preponderantly passive terms the other perspective involves what Benhabib calls the fungibility of identity, suggesting that identities are more active and flexible constructions.2 Correspondingly, each of these views yields a different view of politics some(prenominal) of which, I will suggest, can be seen as quite limited, but for different reasons. For example, many identity theorists, and postmodern feminists generally, will balk at having Catharine MacKinnon dumbfound forth as an exemplar of their views. If she is an advocate of identity politics, it is only in a very specific sense, assuming a reified identity that is decided for women, by men, who with their foot on womens throats do not allow them to speak for themselves. MacKinnon also has a crude, instrumental conception of power, especially in her view of the give tongue to as monolithic and fundamentally insensitive to womens concerns (as she says, the state is male3). As a result, her view of politics is strategic and somewhat opportunistic she appears voluntary to forge single-issue coalitions with any group to advance her cause, as she has with right-wing groups in her antipornography crusade. MacKinnons expressed sympathy for Clarence Thomas in the Hill-Thomas case is rather stunning, given up her larger views on sexual harassment, and Benhabib places considerable weight on these comments as represent ing some larger dilemma faced by postmodern feminists in that contend but I do not see that MacKinnons comments typify a position taken by postmodern feminists generally. MacKinnon is not postmodern in any sense that I can understand, and it seems rather misleading to characterize the weaknesses of identity politics and of postmodern feminism largely through her example. If she is an identity theorist, she has a quite reified and passive conception of identity, as I have said. For MacKinnon, there is no active component in the process of identity formation identity is constructed for women, imposed from without by powerful others and by hegemonic cultural norms and beliefs.